iPhone combines three products — a revolutionary mobile phone, a widescreen iPod with touch controls, and a breakthrough Internet communications device with desktop-class email, web browsing, maps, and searching — into one small and lightweight handheld device. iPhone also introduces an entirely new user interface based on a large multi-touch display and pioneering new software, letting you control everything with just your fingers. So it ushers in an era of software power and sophistication never before seen in a mobile device, completely redefining what you can do on a mobile phone.

Technology giant Apple Computer Inc. formally entered the fiercely competitive mobile phone market yesterday with the long-awaited unveiling of the iPhone, a blend of its hugely popular iPod music/video player and state-of-the-art cellphone technology.

"Every once in a while, a revolutionary product comes along that changes everything," Steve Jobs, Apple's co-founder and chief executive officer said as he unveiled the iPhone at the MacWorld conference in San Francisco yesterday morning.

The iPhone, according to technology analysts, is something Apple needs to defend its lucrative iPod turf in the wake of recent announcements by cellphone giants such as Motorola Inc. and Nokia Oyj, which have introduced smart phones that can play music and are aimed at the consumer market.

Investors yesterday appeared to signal that Apple may have an early hit on its hands. Shares of Apple jumped more than 8 per cent on the announcement while shares of rival device makers, such as Waterloo-based Research In Motion Inc., fell.

Shares in RIM, maker of the dominant BlackBerry wireless device, shed $12.82 or 7.68 per cent to close at $154.01 on the Toronto Stock Exchange.

Apple unveiled two versions of the iPhone – four- and eight-gigabyte models which will sell for $499 (U.S.) and $599 respectively in June when they become available in the United States.

There were no announcements on when the phones will be available in Canada or on pricing here.

Jobs also announced exclusive partnerships with Yahoo and Google to provide email, web searches and Google maps through the new device. It runs a version of OS X, the same operating system that powers the company's Mac computers.

A proximity sensor allows seamless switching between phone calls and music, Jobs said, automatically pausing music or video when the phone is held close to the ear. And visual voice mail allows the user to view a list of voice mail and choose without listening to all of them.

Analysts were split yesterday on how successful the iPhone will be.

"It does serve a specific individual consumer and their existing installed base of iPod users. They're a hard-core group and for them to refresh it, that's one segment of the market," said Eddie Chan, research analyst with IDC Canada. "It's still a very feature-rich device that will draw enthusiasts from the mass market."

Apple is known to push the envelope with friendly user interfaces, form and factor design, he added. "It's that digital lifestyle; in terms of mobility, it extends the power of the device, which is highly personal."

Research Capital analyst Nick Agostino said investors yesterday were reacting to the potential for a tough battle for high-end consumers between Apple and smart-phone makers such as RIM, Nokia, Motorola and Palm.

"Obviously, there is that level of uncertainty," Agostino said. "We won't find out for another six months what real impact (the iPhone) is going to have in the channels."

RIM diversified from the business market with the introduction of the BlackBerry Pearl last year, with camera and flexible storage options and aimed it at the mass market. Rumours of two more RIM devices in the same vein –the Indigo and the Crimson – are also swirling on fan sites and among analysts.

RIM is unlikely to lose its core business audience to the iPhone, according to Chan.

"Governments are not going to buy iPhones for their employees," he said.

But the launch of the iPhone could turn consumer-market expansion plans into a tough slog for RIM, some analysts said.

"The iPhone will be a stiff competitor in terms of the consumer marketplace," said Lawrence Harris, an analyst at Oppenheimer & Co. Inc.

Yesterday, Apple also formally introduced the Apple TV, previously known as iTV. The set-top unit, first previewed in September, permits wireless streaming of video from a computer to a television set.

The Apple TV will ship in February in the U.S. There was no announcement on when it will be available in Canada.

Jobs also said yesterday that Apple Computer Inc. is changing its name to Apple Inc., reflecting its increasing focus on consumer electronics.

In 1997, Filipino and Asian migrant organisations began celebrating and promoting the 18th of December as the International Day of Solidarity with Migrants. This date was choosen because it was on 18 December 1990 that the United Nations adopted the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of all Migrants Workers and Members of Their Families. In 2000 the UN General Assembly designated 18 December of each year as International Migrant's Day. This year's (third) International Migrant's Day is an even more special occasion as on 1 July 2003 the convention entered into force and will now become binding to all governments that have ratified it.

经过TakingITGlobal总部讨论决定，TIG China繁体中文版将重新发布！面向群体为新加坡华人，台湾地区、澳门地区、香港地区以及海外华人华侨。警情期待TIG China，耳目一新的感受！

According to the disscussion in TakingITGlobal Head office, TIG China Traditional Chinese will re-launch in the future! The target people for the Traditional Chinese website are Singapore district, Taiwan district, Macao district, Hong Kong district, and oversea Chinese. Please wait for the Traditional Chinese launch! It will fresh your eyes and your mind!

加拿大国会通过了总理哈珀提出的动议，承认魁北克省为加拿大的“国中国”。

有人说，哈珀这招先发制人让主张独立的魁北克集团乱了阵脚；但也有人认为，哈珀是在魁北克问题火上添油。

“国中国”会让魁北克的独派势力就此偃旗息鼓？还是会成为定时炸弹，最终引导枫叶国走向分裂的道路？

潘多拉的盒子打开了。

在加拿大下议院以266票赞成、16票反对通过总理哈珀提出的动议，承认魁北克为加拿大的“国中国”之后，分析人士如此形容国会的决定。

哈珀是在上个星期出人意表地在国会提出动议，要让魁北克“在一个统一的加拿大内建立国家”。

在哈珀提出有关动议隔天，主张独立的魁北克集团原本计划提出另一项动议，要加拿大承认魁北克为一个国家，只是动议并未提及加拿大。

为了不让魁北克集团得逞，哈珀决定先下手为强，抢先提出“国中国”的建议。不过，哈珀明确地指出：“魁北克人是在一个统一的加拿大境内建立一个国家吗？答案是‘是的’。魁北克人建立的是一个独立的国家吗？答案是‘不’，而且永远是‘不’。”

哈珀的这一政治出击果然让魁北克集团措手不及，就连魁北克省长沙雷也呼吁魁北克集团履行其“历史性责任”，支持有关动议。

法国《新闻报》指出，哈珀的大胆做法是“历史性的进步”。哈珀的支持者也说，哈珀的动议表达了“魁北克是个与众不同地区”的观点，这一方面让魁北克人在心理上产生满足，另一方面则可能有助于维护加拿大的统一，是解决魁北克问题的“重要一步”。

不过，不少学者却认为，哈珀的动议实际上是开启了后患无穷的潘多拉盒子，今后会很难再合上。

多伦多大学政治学家怀斯曼说，哈珀的动议乍看之下是一记高招，但是事情的发展却可能失去控制，“就像硝化甘油（nitroglycerin），会骤然在你面前爆炸”。

怀斯曼认为，哈珀的动机可能是要争取魁北克选民的支持，捞取政治利益，以便在下届大选后能组成多数党政府。

渥太华大学魁北克问题专家贝耶尔也直斥这动议是个“叫人震惊的主意”，只能为哈珀带来“非常非常短暂的政治利益”。

贝耶尔指出，哈珀的目的只是要确保在下届大选中，保住可能会丢失的10个魁北克席位。不过，哈珀却无法阻止分离主义分子今后把动议转化为他们的优势；他甚至也无法阻止支持联邦制的魁北克省省长沙雷，向渥太华施压要求更大的权力。

贝耶尔说：“接下来，哈珀将为他当初采取这个带有风险的策略而感到懊悔。哈珀越是喋喋不休地强调这个动议是多么地没意义，它只具有象征意义，他不会给予魁北克人更多权力，或是在宪法内提到这一点，他就越是会激怒魁北克人，因为他把他们当成了一群小孩。”

关键用词上模棱两可

哈珀的动议最具争议性的地方就在于其遣词用字非常模棱两可。这份动议承认“魁北克人在一个统一的加拿大内建立一个国家”（the Quebecois form a nation within a united Canada），而问题在于“Quebecois”和“nation”都是具有多重意义，且充满情绪的字眼。

根据法语，“Quebecois”指的是所有在魁北克出生或居住的人。不过，根据英语，这个字可以是指所有魁北克人，也可以是单单代表说法语的魁北克人。

《加拿大牛津字典》主编巴伯就明确地指出：“在使用英语时用‘Quebecois’，它指的是说法语的魁北克人。”

《加拿大双语字典》的主任罗伯茨则指出，虽然“Quebecois”字义含糊，但是从哈珀选择使用这个字而不是“Quebecer”就显示，哈珀是在强调说法语的魁北克人。

除此之外，“nation”也是另一个含义不明确的字眼。根据加拿大政府的官方语言学资料库Termium，这个字有两个含义：一、指为政治目标而组织在一个独立政府之下的一群人；二、指同一民族，一般拥有共同的语言和风俗。前者从政治角度解释这个字，后者则是从社会学的角度来进行诠释。

正由于带有歧义，这两个字不论如何组合成句子，都可能在今后给加拿大带来问题。

《加拿大牛津字典》主编巴伯说，如果哈珀的动议指的是说法语的魁北克人建立一个拥有共同血统、历史和语言的“民族”，那“这是个毫无意义的动议，因为这是明显的事实”，而且还会把魁北克说英语的公民和其他移民排除在外。

如果从政治角度诠释“nation”，这份动议的排外含义就更强了，这意味着说法语的魁北克人是拥有共同血统、历史和语言的独特一群，因此他们拥有组织独立政府的权力。到时加拿大将“跌入种族歧视的深渊”。

但是，即使动议中的“Quebecois”包括魁北克的所有居民，那也还是会出问题。

蒙特利尔大学语言学教授克拉斯说，魁北克和加拿大的其他地区一样，有不同的种族、宗教和文化，说他们建立一个拥有共同历史、语言和文化的“民族”是不对的。

但如果说他们建立的是一个“国家”，加拿大就没有理由不让其他省份也宣布独立。

随着魁北克集团领袖杜塞普也对“国中国”的动议表示支持，分析家纷纷发出警告，这份动议不但无法终止分离主义分子希望独立的诉求，反而可能让他们利用动议中的含糊用词大作文章，进一步扩大魁北克原本就已拥有的政治权力。

多伦多大学政治学家布朗指出：“人们将滥用‘nation’这个字，一些人将视之为建立独立国家的许可证。”

魁北克闹独立之路

交织着民族与历史情结的魁北克问题由来已久。这个位于东部的省份是加拿大的第一大省，其国内生产总值约占加拿大总额的22.3％，人口为769万，是加拿大总人口的约四分之一。其中，讲法语的居民占82%，9%的人讲英语，另有9%的人讲英语和法语以外的语言。

由于文化背景不同及历史上的种种原因，魁北克的法裔和英裔之间一直存在着对立与矛盾。

上世纪60年代以前，尽管超过八成的魁北克居民以法语为第一语言，但法语却一直屈居于英语之下，法语人口面临被迅速同化的境地。这加剧了魁北克的分离倾向，促使民族主义运动日益高涨，当地的法裔一直试图脱离加拿大，成立独立国家。

1979年，魁北克省执政的魁北克人党提出，要在加拿大联邦和魁北克省之间建立‘一种新的平等伙伴关系’，即在政治上实现独立，经济上则与加拿大其他地区保持联系。隔年，魁北克首次就独立问题在全省举行公民投票，但是首次出击即遭到挫折，公投无法获得通过。

不过，魁独运动并没有因此而平息。1993年，主张魁北克独立的魁北克集团成为联邦议会中，仅次于执政党的第二大政党。两年后，魁北克举行了第二次的魁独公投，结果拥护联邦制的派系以微弱优势险胜。

为了预防魁独势力继续高涨，加拿大最高法院在1998年8月作出裁决：不论是根据加拿大国内法还是国际法，魁北克都无权单方面宣布独立，这在法律上消除了魁北克取得独立的可能性。

2000年，加拿大国会又通过了清晰法案（Clarity Bill），再次试图从法律上为魁独设置障碍。

根据这项法案，魁北克在日后的独立公投中，不得使用含糊的词语来降低人民对独立后果的认识，有关分离的公投问题必须绝对清楚无歧义。

联邦政府也声明，全民公投的结果必须是决定性多数，不能以50%加1的简单多数决定公投的成功通过；至于多少才是决定性多数，则由联邦议会来决定。

现在，哈珀的动议似乎给原本受到牵制的魁北克独派势力开启了另一扇门，它最终是否会引导枫叶国走向分裂，显然是魁北克人和哈珀政府接下来都热切关注的。

Several Canadian dailies hailed as historic Prime Minister Stephen Harper's pledge to acknowledge French-speaking Quebec as a "nation" within Canada, but some saw the comments as opportunistic.

"Harper drops a political bombshell," The Globe and Mail newspaper's headline read, a day after the conservative prime minister's surprise announcement that he had asked the House of Commons to recognize that "Quebecers constitute a nation within a united Canada."

"Do Quebecers form a nation within a united Canada? The answer is yes. Do Quebecers form an independent nation from Canada? The answer is no, and it will always be no," Harper had said.

The French-language daily La Presse said in an editorial that Harper's remark represented "historic progress," but another commentator in the same newspaper said it was purely a political maneuver.

The Globe and Mail, meanwhile, said that under any other circumstances, using the word "nation" would be a "terrible idea," but in this case, Harper "chose well."

Other English-language dailies were wary. The Toronto Star said Harper had chosen to "play a dangerous game" and had taken "unwarranted risks with the future of the country."

"The surprise bombshell that Harper dropped yesterday ... will never placate Quebec separatists, even as it potentially weakens Canada by handing them another argument the next time -- and there almost certainly will be a next time -- they seek to break up this country," the Star said in an editorial, alluding to an eventual third attempt at a referendum on independence for the francophone province.

Quebec has held and lost two referendums on seceding from the rest of Canada, in 1980 and 1995. Federalists won the second vote by a narrow margin.

Harper's surprise move, he said, was aimed at blocking "an unusual request" by the separatist Bloc Quebecois to define all Quebecers as a nation.

MONTREAL—The advent of Stéphane Dion as the leader of the Liberal party of Canada presents Prime Minister Stephen Harper with both a huge opportunity and an immense risk.

It offers the Conservative leader his best shot ever at consolidating his own coalition. But what looks like a window of opportunity today could become a deadly trap for the Prime Minister if federalist fortunes take a turn for the worse in the next Quebec election.

At least in the short term, the outcome of the weekend's leadership convention diminishes the Liberal capacity to swiftly build a pan-Canadian progressive coalition to defeat Harper.

Outside Quebec, Dion is currently less attractive to New Democrat sympathizers than Bob Rae could be expected to be and in Quebec he is less likely to raise his party from the dead than Michael Ignatieff would have.

The new Liberal leader will need more than the few months that may be left before Canada takes a return trip to the polls to fix the latter.

This weekend, Dion was the second choice of enough delegates from the rest of Canada to vault from fourth place in the September race for delegates to a decisive fourth-ballot convention victory, but he was not even the last choice of the vast majority of the Quebec delegates.

Almost to a man and a woman, the party's senior organizers rallied to Ignatieff on the final ballot. That includes Martin Cauchon and Denis Coderre. For the two former ministers, Dion's victory is a double disappointment as it dashes their own plans to secure a headstart in a future run for the leadership.

For all the talk of a generational change, it is not strictly out of admiration or abnegation that the rising stars of the party outside Quebec rallied so readily to Dion on the convention floor. By ensuring the victory of the only Quebec candidate on the ballot, Martha Hall Findlay, Gerard Kennedy and others ensured that when the party next changes leader, candidates from the rest of Canada will be first in line.

Once Bloc Québécois strategists wipe the grin off their faces, they will notice that the outcome of the convention is a double-edged sword.

They had no way of knowing whether Ignatieff's success at building a loyal following among Quebec Liberals was a sign of things to come in an election or how Rae's progressive credentials would play with the many Bloc supporters who are alarmed by the current directions of the Harper government.

With Dion, they are in known territory, facing a familiar adversary that much of the francophone electorate has come to see in a terribly negative light over years of post-referendum skirmishes.

His victory may amount to handing Quebec to the Bloc and the Conservatives in the next election. But that would also mean that the Bloc could not count on a division in the federalist vote to sap Harper's strength.

Instead Tory incumbents would be able to fight the Bloc without having to worry about being outflanked by another federalist party and Conservative candidates would have a larger pool of voters to draw from in their battle for more Quebec ground.

Even as the Liberals were choosing their leader, Finance Minister Jim Flaherty was confirming that he expects to include a deal on the fiscal imbalance in his next budget. Solving the fiscal imbalance to the satisfaction of the provinces, in particular Quebec, is now more central than ever to Harper's strategy and to his hopes to neutralize his new Liberal opponent.

For if Dion stands for anything it is national unity and the environment.

In the latter case, his victory positions the Liberals on a crowded ice, where they will have to jostle with the NDP, the Green party and the Bloc Québécois for a position. Dion will also be weighted down by a Liberal record that is less than stellar.

Moreover, by putting so many eggs in the environment basket, the other parties may be tempting Harper to take a more agressive course on climate change. Having just witnessed his stunning moves on Quebec's national character and on the income trusts, does anyone doubt the capacity of this prime minister to change tack ?

Unity is another issue. As he watched Dion come from behind to win the leadership Saturday, Harper must have congratulated himself for having had the prescience to bring him in the loop of his plan to recognize that Quebecers form a nation. As a virtual co-author of the controversal motion adopted by the House of Commons last week, the new Liberal leader is in no postion to take advantage of what could be a major Conservative liability, at least outside Quebec.

But with Dion in the rink, Harper can also no longer assume that he owns the mantle of unity champion.

More than ever, the Prime Minister has a vital interest in helping Premier Jean Charest secure a second mandate in the provincial election that will be taking place over the next year, or, short of that, in going to the polls before his Quebec ally does.

For nothing might accelerate Dion's ascent in the rest of Canada, and little could do more to remobilize Quebec federalists behind the new Liberal leader, than a Parti Québécois victory and the prospect of another referendum.

At that point, many of the conditions for a replay of Joe Clark's 1980 demise at the hands of Pierre Trudeau would be in place.